Rationale: H can spread to the right (rules of tonal spread, tonal compacity, simplification of the tonal contour of the stem).

Rationale: /L/ can spread to the right (rules of tonal spread, tonal compacity, simplification of the tonal contour of the stem). /L/ conditions OCP (the preceding /L/ surfaces as LH).

Rationale: /H/ conditions the H tone bridge rule.

Rationale: /L/ spreads when it is necessary to avoid a prohibited HH sequence in the word-final position: LHH → LLH.

Rationale:

Rationale:

Rationale: The Tonal Polarity rule

Rationale: The Tonal Polarity rule

Rationale: /M/ conditions an OCP-style tonal dissimilation: three M-tone locative adverbs change their M tone to H if preceded by M.

Rationale: /L/ conditions the Low Plateauing rule: L xL L > L L L.

Rationale: /xL/ conditions the regressive assimilation rule for only one word: kèe ‘occiput’ > kèȅ tȁ ‘at the occiput’.

Rationale:

Rationale:

Rationale: 1) If an object follows the verb, L tone spreads from the immediate past and hodiernal past tense markers to the verb root and shifts the pre-linked H tone from the initial syllable of a H tone verb. 2) L tone spreads from the root onto toneless suffixes.

Rationale: H tone spreads: 1) in associative constructions, from the associative marker onto the class prefix of the possessor; 2) on toneless derivative suffixes.

Rationale: 1) A H toneme spreads to the right on underlyingly toneless morae within the limits of a morpheme if the morpheme is followed by a floating L toneme. 2) H toneme optionally spreads across morphological boundaries on the L-toned enclitics: the Presentative marker =ɛ̀, the Comitative preposition =ɛ̀, the non-human 3rd person object pronominal =ɔ̀.

Rationale: ha [há] ‘breath’ + ཡང་ yang [jàŋ] ‘light’ > ཧ་ཡང་ ha yang [há.jáŋ] ‘aluminum’ [H há.jaŋ]

Rationale: The toneme can spread to the right on the second syllable of the prosodic word: nam-langs [nàm.lâ:ɂ] ‘sunrise’ [L nàm.la:ɂ].

Rationale: If a heavy syllable carries a LH melody and is followed by a toneless syllable, L spreads to the right on the adjacent mora within the same syllable, while the H toneme shifts to the following toneless syllable within the same prosodic word.

Rationale: H tone of the stem spreads into toneless suffixes.

Rationale: LH tone of the stem extends onto toneless suffixes.

Rationale: HL tone of the stem extends onto toneless suffixes.

Rationale: H tone is able to surface outside its host segment: 1) as a result of a vowel deletion Example: The form of the locative singular and plural suffix is H-toned /-é/. However, the final vowel in the locative can be optionally deleted and the H-tone moves to the previous mora. (5) tamé ‘where’ ta.[H mé] --> taḿ ta[H ḿ] 2) in accentual alternations within verbal paradigms: Example: affixation of the suffix /-a/ results in resyllabification so that the stem-final sonorant is no longer moraic and the H tone shifts to the previous mora: (6a) im̃ti ‘to take’ i[H ḿ].ti --> ìma [H í].ma ‘s/he takes’; (6b) mir̃ti ‘to die’ mi[H ŕ].ti --> mìra [H mí].ra ‘s/he dies’.